Gendered Dynamics of ISIS and the Kurdish YPJ


The Syrian battle noticed the conflict of two state-building teams with starkly contrasting ideologies. The Islamic State (ISIS) sought to construct a worldwide theocratic state underpinned by strict gender segregation below Sharia Regulation (Khelghat-Doost 2017: 25). ISIS not solely conquered an unlimited territorial base, but in addition noticed the unprecedented recruitment of overseas fighters – as many as 5000 of which have been ladies (Cook dinner 2019: 10). Girls have been central to ISIS’ state-building imaginative and prescient and carried out numerous roles below Caliphate rule. Opposing ISIS is the Yekîneyên Parastina Jin (YPJ), an all-female Kurdish militia branching out from Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat (PYD), The Democratic Union Get together. It espouses concepts central to conventional Western leftist actions akin to democratic participation and egalitarian social constructions. The importance of ladies’s participation within the YPJ must be understood within the wider geopolitical context of the Kurdish state-building undertaking within the Center East. Kurdistan has, after a long time of activism, but to change into a sovereign state, with its present territories overlapping Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria, and Kurdish ladies have campaigned for political rights for the reason that 1980s (Al-Ali and Tas 2017: 5).

Girls’s participation in armed battle shouldn’t be particular to the Center East, however the gender politics of the area give rise to a level of sensationalism round extremely politicised imagery of feminine ISIS recruits and YPJ militants. The target of this essay is to maneuver past an empiricist epistemology, and in doing so, it builds on a conceptual framework of vital feminist idea. Feminist idea conceptualises contested narratives of essentialist gendered topics and the way they’re represented, specializing in perceptions of company relative to femininity and motherhood. Following on, it’s going to discover ladies’s positions inside the ISIS Caliphate and their militarisation within the YPJ. The 2 instances will probably be in contrast and evaluated towards the theoretical framework with emphasis on problematising the gendered perceptions of ladies as brokers in battle. Extra particularly, it’s going to consider the sensible and normative significance of ladies’s participation in ISIS and the YPJ – each in a Center Japanese and broader worldwide context. Total, the primary argument of the essay is {that a} gendered lens on ladies’s participation within the Syrian battle highlights elements essential to understanding the total scope of Center Japanese violent politics. Nevertheless, this provides rise to a normative problem: in understanding ladies actors particularly as ladies, there’s a danger of cementing the gendered constructions of battle fairly than wanting past them.

Feminist idea: Conceptualising the feminine agent

There’s a huge physique of feminist IR idea specializing in the gendered dimensions of battle. The juxtaposition of inherently violent masculinity and pacifist/nurturing femininity supplies an essentialist understanding of gendered roles in battle and decide actors’ violent capabilities (Steans 2006: 63; Youngs 2004: 76). As phrased by main feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe, the dominant expectation is that “Males are simply naturally those that wield violence” (Enloe 2006: viii). Situating males and masculinities within the public realm of warfare and violence and girls within the non-public/home realm, just one is introduced as having political company while the opposite is by nature acted upon (Tervooren 2016: 9; Tickner 1992: 3). Feminist idea addresses the normative balancing act between highlighting gendered oppression and violence towards ladies towards discourses that successfully render ladies as passive victims outlined by their violability (Shepherd 2007: 10). A singular give attention to ladies as solely victims of conflicts obscure ladies’s numerous roles, together with that of perpetrators (Ibid).

The query of company is central to feminist idea and will probably be critically employed all through this essay. Feminist idea engages constantly with discourses framing company as emancipatory, which renders the dedication of company as the usual towards which levels of liberation and participation are judged (Benhabib 1995: 21). Auchter contests this binary give attention to company as constitutive of topic identities, claiming that this obscures the a number of and even conflicting roles ladies inhabit (Auchter 2012: 120). This conceptualisation will probably be employed to analyse contrasts between perceptions of ISIS and YPJ ladies in public discourse the place ladies are, as Auchter elucidates, both “a both sufferer of a patriarchal system or agent enabled with a takeover of that patriarchal system” (ibid). This significantly pertains to the ladies of ISIS as moms, the place company is constructed in opposition to motherhood (Ähall 2012: 288).

ISIS’ pearls: The feminine face of the Caliphate

ISIS differs markedly from different Islamist terrorist teams in its state-building imaginative and prescient. A theocratic state with a wide range of public capabilities necessitated the recruitment of not simply combatants, however individuals to fill numerous societal roles (Khelghaat-Doost 2019: 856). Whereas Western media representations of feminine ISIS recruits initially referred to them as “jihadi brides” and “home servants”, in actuality ladies have been concerned in actions starting from on-line propaganda to navy intelligence-gathering (Hoyle et al. 2016: 10; Martini 2018: 459). Equally to YPJ militants as explored beneath, worldwide media sensationalised ladies’s participation in ISIS as a transparent violation of gendered expectations (Nacos 2006: 437). Whereas the preliminary focus exhibited a transparent tendency to trivialise ladies’s political motivations, over time because the extent of ladies’s participation in ISIS actions grew to become evident, their endorsement of Islamic fundamentalism was more and more positioned as a “betrayal of womenkind” (Dagbladet 2019). The female beliefs of a Sharia-based Islamist state embrace the gendered essentialism which within the West has largely change into synonymous with oppression.

A complete report by the Worldwide Centre for the Examine of Radicalisation (ICSR) established that the primary so-called “pull” issue main ladies to affix the Caliphate was the notion that there was a chosen place for them in ISIS’ ultimate society (Saltman, Smith 2015: 19). Whereas many had confronted discrimination and cultural limitations to societal participation in liberal Western societies, the promise of another state the place ladies by advantage of being ladies constituted an express asset was alluring to significantly younger ladies missing a way of group (Shorer 2018: 100; Klausen 2015: 3). Conformity to such inflexible gender roles can seem unfathomable in mild of the aforementioned feminist logic that characterises political company by its transgression of oppressive energy constructions. It might subsequently be simple to conclude as many have achieved, that feminine ISIS recruits have been oppressed and coerced into submission to a patriarchal state order. Nevertheless, this excludes the potential for company when the roles taken on don’t conform to a set normative normal. It may certainly be argued that feminine ISIS recruits have displayed greater ranges of company and political convictions in becoming a member of the Caliphate than male overseas fighters, as a result of they face greater societal limitations to go away their households for an extremist organisation (Davis 2008: 50).

As well as, by equating ladies’s participation within the home sphere with a renunciation of company and subsequently energy, ladies’s authority over new generations of radicalised youth are obscured (Vale 2019: 6). As moms the ladies have been accountable for the ideological training of future ISIS fighters. Fostering ideological convictions amongst ladies recruits translated into an elevated recruitment-base as a result of inter-generational character of the Caliphate. Therefore, a reductionist understanding of motherhood and company/energy as oppositional neglects the violent political potential inherent to familial relationships (Seierstad 2016: 376).

Consequently, it’s important to analyse ISIS strategic imaginative and prescient for ladies’s participation to grasp the gendered dynamics of the Caliphate. On account of ladies’s function as not solely moms within the literal sense, however their symbolic worth as moms of the nation, ISIS crafted their recruitment propaganda as deliberately women-centric (Hoyle et al. 2015: 10). Whereas different well-known terrorist organisations of the Center East primarily utilised ladies in tactical operations as a result of their inconspicuousness as brokers of violence, ISIS strategically employed ladies of their in depth on-line recruitment course of in an effort to entice different ladies (Spencer 2016: 90; Pearson 2018: 855). Owing to ladies’s conventional societal roles, feminine recruits have been strategically employed to boost the credibility of ISIS’ state-building undertaking, seeing because the closely circulated information tales of males conquering territory and committing sexual violence towards enemy populations was thought of to be of restricted worth in enhancing feminine recruitment (Shorer 2018: 90).

ISIS’ gender ideology was strategically communicated by the group’s prime management. As ladies have been, predictably, deemed unfit for fight, they have been as a substitute posited because the Caliphate’s supply of non secular legitimacy (Vale 2019: 4). There are few testimonies from feminine ISIS recruits out there, however people who exist underline a want for creating a brand new society which positioned essentialist femininity at its ideological core (Peresin, Cervone 2015: 499). Girls have been represented because the carriers of the religious-national identification. ISIS positioned ladies as faces of a gendered Center Japanese order, in direct opposition to the narrative of Muslim ladies dealing with marginalisation within the West (ibid).

Nevertheless, the inflexible gender hierarchy and gender-segregated areas below ISIS’ rule was additionally a supply of inner pressure. Girls have been required to be veiled in a niqab exhibiting solely their eyes, thus eradicating their private presence from public life (Yilmaz 2017: 27). While this was ideologically rationalised to protect non secular purity and cling to Sharia legislation’s strict honour code, externally the removing of female our bodies from the political scene carried a heavy symbolism for what constituted a girl’s place within the Center East (Winter 2015: 17; Ingram et al 2020: 199). Whereas ISIS required ladies to carry out numerous roles to maintain its operations, gendered politics required that this be balanced towards spiritual purity – leading to disillusionment amongst feminine recruits who had imagined a extra participatory mannequin of societal interplay between the genders (Huey, Witmer 2016: 2). A compromise to quell the rising inner dissent was achieved by the institution of the Al-Khansaa brigade, an all-women’s police drive whose major duty was guaranteeing adherence to gendered guidelines of modesty and public morality (Almohammad and Speckhard 2017: 6; Winter 2015: 22). Offenders would obtain punishment within the type of torture and even loss of life (ibid).

But, because the anti-ISIS coalition gained floor and ISIS’ territorial base more and more weakened, ladies’s participation grew extra militant out of necessity. Traditionally, violent teams have elevated their recruitment of ladies when ranks of male combatants grew skinny (Davis 2008: 85). Within the case of ISIS, ladies have been already lively in non-military roles, however as acknowledged above, this pacification was not unchallenged. The territorial weakening of ISIS thus enabled ladies to assert extra militarised roles – which ought to function a reminder of their capability for violence, an element that has been constantly undermined in public debates following the Caliphate’s fall (Khelghaat-Doost 2019: 870). Moreover, after the autumn of the Caliphate, ISIS ladies detained in refugee camps have dedicated violence akin to stoning and even homicide towards these they understand to transgress Sharia ethical code (Washington Put up 2019). In reality, some researchers predict that the chance of ladies committing violent acts has elevated following the collapse of the gender-policing restrictions below ISIS rule (Peresin and Cervone 2015: 499).

To summarise, ladies’s roles within the ISIS Caliphate didn’t see them attaining positions of energy within the organisation’s higher management constructions. They have been concurrently featured closely in ISIS propaganda and barred from taking part as political actors outdoors of strictly ascribed roles. Girls recruits negotiated new roles as the interior and exterior dynamics of the Syrian battle developed. Nevertheless, the glorified imagery of “pure” ladies’s lives within the Caliphate stand in stark distinction to the mass atrocities dedicated towards ladies of enemy populations such because the Yezidis and Kurdish ladies throughout the ISIS offensive (Enloe 2000: 190; Yilmaz 2017: 20)

YPJ: The feminist militia of the Center East?

In distinction to violent spiritual teams, nationalist actions traditionally have seen a a lot bigger proportion of feminine individuals (Davis 2008: 17). Girls combatants are estimated to represent over a 3rd of Kurdish armed forces (Bengio 2016: 39). Along with the just about 10 000 Kurdish ladies from the Center East engaged in fight and supporting roles, a whole lot of ladies from the Kurdish diaspora have travelled to the battle zone to affix the Western-backed anti-ISIS coalition via the YPJ (Knapp et al. 2016: 107). After Assad’s regime withdrew from northern Syria – Kuridish Rojava – in 2012, the Kurdish forces established an autonomous native authority which might later change into a key function within the battle towards ISIS (ibid).

The YPJ’s ideological rationale is predicated upon Jineology, a distinctly Kurdish feminism that establishes the liberation of men and women from dichotomous gender constructions because the cornerstone of a democratic confederalist society (Düzgün 2016: 285). Not like a lot of “mainstream” feminist idea which emphasise the universalist constructions affecting ladies as a bunch, Jineology locations ladies’s native expertise at its ideological centre. Thus, Jineology is extra carefully associated to postcolonial feminism in its emphasis on intersectionality – outlined as “the popularity of overlapping marginal identities” akin to ethnicity and sophistication, contextualising ladies’s participation the historic Kurdish battle for independence (Crenshaw 1991: 1242; Dirik 2015: 63). Its purpose nevertheless, is equally emancipatory to vital feminist idea, in that it seeks to dismantle oppressive social constructions and defines its topics in opposition to a patriarchal, colonialist, and capitalist world order (ibid). It’s, nevertheless, unclear how the deconstruction of gendered identities will manifest, and demanding voices problematise the prospect of an additional militarisation of Kurdish society (Morgan 2019: vi).

The YPJ fighters gained widespread worldwide consideration for efficiently countering ISIS’ tried siege of town Kobanî in Rojava. The potent symbolism of feminine guerrilla fighters taking over arms towards ISIS positioned them as feminist warriors combating the embodiment of patriarchy (Dean 2019: 5). Certainly, YPJ banners in native strongholds proclaim: “we’ll defeat the assaults of ISIS by guaranteeing the liberty of ladies within the Center East” (Dirik 2015: 66). This dynamic has been extensively represented in worldwide media as a conflict of not simply sectarian teams on a battlefield, however as an ideological battle with probably important repercussions throughout the Center East (Begikhani et al. 2018: 15). Cultural elements have been highlighted to exacerbate the ideological pressure – a frequently-cited instance is the idea held by militant Islamist teams like ISIS that fighters killed by ladies is not going to go to paradise nor obtain their promised virgins (The Impartial 2016; The Telegraph 2014). Thus, the “female essence” of YPJ militants represents what can solely be characterised as an irony-laden feminist revenge. As phrased by Dirik: “The YPJ will not be solely combating towards ISIS, they’re combating for feminism and gender equality – they usually’re doing it with concepts and bullets alike” (Dirik 2015: 69).

The sensationalised broadcast of YPJ militants stands in distinction to many Western authorities positions on the Kurdish difficulty. In reality, the Kurdish Employee’s Get together (PKK), which YPJ is loosely affiliated with, has been labelled a terrorist group by the US and several other European states (Haner et al. 2019: 16). Nevertheless, within the context of the Center East the place ladies are largely assumed to be oppressed and barred from significant political engagement, YPJ represents a hanging new picture. Their militaristic anti-ISIS stance is deducted from a multifaceted Kurdish ladies’s activist motion, of which lively fight constitutes just one half (Dean 2019: 4). YPJ battle not solely to liberate ladies from the patriarchy, however to liberate all Kurdish individuals from ethnic oppression and fulfil the nationalist imaginative and prescient (Çaha 2011: 435). This angle is underexplored within the cited media articles, suggesting that whereas the YPJ could get pleasure from Western backing as feminist fighters towards Islamic fundamentalism, this endorsement doesn’t prolong past the anti-ISIS coalition. Thus, the gendered spectacle of feminine militarism overshadows, and in some instances depoliticises the ideologically motivated participation of Kurdish ladies of their battle for political revolution (Ibid).

Moreover, the YPJ’s efforts to free Yezidi slaves from ISIS provides one other layer of complexity to the gendered dynamics of the group. The mass-scale of sexual violence dedicated towards the Yezidi inhabitants is emphasised as being each a person motivation for ladies to affix the YPJ, and on a structural degree it underlined a necessity for an all-female armed group (Küçük and Özselçuk 2016: 184). On this regard, YPJ represents a departure from the oft-cited and closely criticised Orientalist discourse of Western saviourism: “White males saving brown ladies from brown males” in that girls are central brokers shaping the battle (Spivak 1994: 107; Shahvisi 2018: 4). Nevertheless, the dialogue of victimhood and liberation from oppressive constructions will be ambiguous. The time period “sufferer” is more and more related to passivity and has been changed by “survivor” in discourses on sexual violence to foster extra empowering connotations. But, utilising victimhood to affect coverage and obtain justice can arguably be a show of company, as evident within the worldwide recognition of ISIS’ genocidal warfare towards Yezidis (Murad 2017). The Kurdish and Yezidi ladies of the YPJ can thus be seen as not solely saving themselves from violence – however establishing new societal positions for ladies altogether.

On this regard, the YPJ are combating a two-front battle. The YPJ’s acknowledged purpose is institutionalising ladies’s self-defence towards male violence, not simply within the excessive type of ISIS, but in addition the home and structural violence they face throughout occasions of “peace” (Dean 2019: 7). This displays Cockburn’s declare that males’s violence towards ladies in warfare solely exacerbates the violence dedicated always in society, thus situating violence on a continuum (Cockburn 2001: 13). The function of ladies in traditionalist Kurdish society has been closely problematised. As an illustration, the prevalence of sexual violence, social and financial repression of ladies and dangerous practices akin to feminine genital mutilation (FGM) (Al-Ali and Tas 2017: 3; Yasin et al. 2013).

In different phrases, the ascendance of the YPJ inside a nationalist motion with extremely contradictory ideology and societal apply highlights the contesting dynamics that affect ladies’s participation – and in flip is influenced by the function ladies declare throughout political areas. Not like the case of ISIS, the place the interior gender hierarchies are nearly charicaturesque of their extremity, the gendered dynamics of the YPJ are extra ambiguous. Nevertheless, one may argue that it’s exactly these inner contestations that has led to the emergence of numerous ladies’s activism and participation, not least on the battlefield (Begikhani et al. 2018: 6).

Synthesis: Gendered company and illustration of ladies in warfare

A distinctly normative analytical sample seems when evaluating the importance of ladies’s participation in armed battle, within the Center East and past. Girls’s roles are positioned on a spectrum of oppression and emancipation. That is maybe unsurprising given the explicitly acknowledged emancipatory agenda elucidated by nearly all of feminist IR theorists – whose analysis represent the majority of educational work on gender points (Tickner 1992: 10; Enloe 2006: vii). Nevertheless, it’s crucial to discover what implications could come up from viewing the conformity towards/transgression of stereotypical roles because the defining lens via which to grasp the dynamics of ladies’s taking part in Center Japanese conflicts. By attaching a optimistic agential worth to sure roles there’s a danger of obscuring extra delicate constructions of violence. In gendering company, there are implications for which representations of ladies are thought of political – and thereby covetable.

On the core of a few of these emancipatory discourses lies an implicit assumption that girls who transgress the assumed limitations of their gender and tackle extra masculine roles are essentially the most “free”, and by extension, extra politically related. Following this, one may query whether or not these discourses the truth is reinforce hierarchical gender constructions, the place conventional female attributes and societal roles are considered as lesser than the masculine. As quoted by an informant of the CNN in a portrait interview with YPJ fighters: “The feminine Kurdish fighters have had a “particular impression on the male a part of Kurdish society (…) After they see ladies with weapons and combating, they be taught to respect them.” (CNN 2019) By stating that girls should successfully tackle historically masculine roles – and accepting these as unproblematic and undeserving of analytical scrutiny in a method that female roles will not be – the crux of the talk then turns into: are ladies thought of most agential, most harmful, most political, after they take up arms and therefore appear extra like males?

The general public debate surrounding feminine ISIS returnees is an illustrative instance of comparable patterns of gendered agential inscriptions. The general public/non-public dichotomy that feminist teachers have disputed for many years seems to hold important weight when figuring out which ladies represent safety threats and which don’t (Steans 2003: 60). Starting from NGOs to members of the family of the overseas fighters, those that downplay the ladies’s company actively use essentialist femininity to de-politicise and de-securitise the ladies’s participation (Dagbladet 2019b;Hansen 2006: 37). The ladies are described as non-threatening as a result of they’re moms – the conceptual dissonance between motherhood to terrorism seems to make the 2 identities inconceivable to reconcile (Ähall 2012: 290). Moreover, these discourses downplay the political elements of ladies’s motivation to affix ISIS, as a substitute characterising them in private phrases as “brainwashed”, “exploited” and “in the hunt for love” (Pearson 2018: 860). Curiously, and maybe concerningly, this view can be expressed by civil society actors working with grassroots de-radicalisation efforts particularly aimed toward ladies (JAN Belief 2019).

The absence of a corresponding dialogue over the political company and risk potential of male fighters reinforces the purpose that girls are constantly subjected to a means of “gendering” vis-à-vis a masculine normative normal, via which their actions are understood and judged (Shepherd 2007 143). Whereas ladies’s participation is evaluated towards their femininity and standing as moms, males’s company is assumed as a political truth unrelated to gendered elements. In different phrases, the discursive building of gendered identities has profound implications for the way ladies’s participation in violent battle is known. The difficulty of company in the end turns into a difficulty of duty, which will probably be extremely related in legal prosecutions below anti-terrorism laws.

Nevertheless, even discourses of empowerment via violence dangers representing ladies in an identical hierarchical agential order as famous above. While ladies guerrilla fighters are naturally assumed to be liberated, ladies represented as victims of warfare are assumed to be oppressed and in want of liberation. These singular depictions of ladies’s lived expertise neglect the multifaceted identities ladies inhabit which can be constantly produced and reproduced (Shepherd 2007: 151). In attaching much less determinism to the hyperlink between illustration and perceived company, the total variety of ladies’s participation could inform nuanced educational evaluation – and by extension, overseas and safety coverage.


It stays to be seen which roles ladies of ISIS and the YPJ maintain post-conflict. Traditionally, ladies who transgress gender-stereotypical roles throughout occasions of battle are sometimes “re-traditionalised” when peace resumes (Al-Ali and Pratt 2009: 177). Following Turkey’s invasion of Syria, the political destiny of each detained ISIS fighters and Kurdish forces is extremely unsure. Curiously, and as many would declare, unjustly; ladies of each ISIS and the YPJ are categorized as overseas fighters below the identical anti-terrorism laws. In leaving Western nations to affix an armed group abroad, additionally YPJ recruits might be prosecuted upon their return as a substitute of celebrated – as they have been in Western media all through the battle – for his or her counterinsurgency efforts (Palani 2019: 253; UNSCR 2178). Their feminist rationale for combating within the anti-ISIS coalition paradoxically presents much less defence than feminine ISIS returnees claiming their innocence as mere moms and wives.

This essay has explored how gendered dynamics of ladies’s participation in battle manifests within the instances of ISIS and the YPJ. Crucially, it challenges the binary conception of victimhood and company/liberation. Furthermore, it has analysed how ladies negotiate their positions via fight and different societal roles, asserting that the singular give attention to militarism obscures necessary political constructions – which in flip hampers nuanced analyses (Morgan 2019: ii). In conclusion, Begikhani presents a compelling perspective in mild of the Center Japanese context: in distinction to discourses that defines company as transgressing obstacles, “Social and gender norms, in addition to energy constructions, are appropriated, negotiated and embraced as a lot as they’re brazenly resisted.” (Begikhani et al. 2019: 15). These dynamics stay central to ladies’s participation in violent battle all through the Center East and past.


Ähall, L. 2012: ‘Motherhood and Feminine Company in Political Violence’ in Safety Dialogue Vol. 43

Al-Ali, A., Pratt, N. 2009: Girls and Warfare within the Center East: Transnational Views. Zed Books, London

Al-Ali, N., Taş. N. 2017: “Warfare is sort of a Blanket… Feminist Convergences in Kurdish and Turkish Girls´s Rights Activism for Peace” Journal of Center East Girls´s Research Vol. 13

Almohammad, A., Speckhard, A. 2017: “The Operational Ranks and Roles of Feminine ISIS Operatives: From Assassins and Morality Police to Spies and Suicide Bombers”. Worldwide Heart for the Examine of Violent Extremism

Auchter, J. 2012: “Discourses of Terrorism and Writing of Lady-as-Agent” in Worldwide Feminist Journal of Politics Vol. 14

Begikhani, N., Wendelmoet, H., Weiss, N. 2018: “Theorising Girls and Warfare in Kurdistan. A feminist and demanding perspective” in Kurdish Research Vol. 6

Bengio, O. 2016: ‘Sport Changers: Kurdish Girls in Peace and Warfare’ in Center East Journal Vol. 70

Benhabib, S. 1995: “Feminism and postmodernism: An uneasy alliance” in S. Benhabib, J. Butler, D. Cornell, and N. Fraser (ed) Feminist contentions: A philosophical trade. Routledge, New York

Bloom, M. 2011: Bombshell: The Many Faces of Girls Terrorists. Hurst Publishing, London

Çaha, Ö. 2011: “The Kurdish Girls’s Motion: A Third-Wave Feminism Throughout the Turkish Context” in Turkish Research Vol. 12

Caris, C., Reynolds, S. 2014: ISIS Governance in Syria in Center East Safety Report Vol. 22

CNN, Lazarus, S. 2019: Girls. Life. Freedom. Feminine fighters of Kurdistan.

Cockburn, C. 2001: “The Gendered Dynamics of Armed Battle and Political Violence” in Moser, C.O.N., Clark, F. (ed) Victims, Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Battle and Political Violence. Zed Books, London

Cook dinner, J. 2019: A Lady’s Place: US Counterterrorism since 9/11. Hurst Publishers, London

Crenshaw, Ok. 1991: “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Id Politics, and Violence towards Girls of Coloration” in Stanford Regulation Overview Vol. 43

Dagbladet (Listhaug) 2019: “No sympathy, no forgiveness”. Accessed at—ingen-sympati-ingen-tilgivelse/71027162

Dagbladet 2019b: «Hent barna våre hjem» Accessed at

Davis, J., 2017: Girls in Fashionable Terrorism: From Liberation Wars to World Jihad and the Islamic State. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Lanham

Dean, V. 2019: “Kurdish Feminine Fighters: The Western Depiction of YPJ Combatants in Rojava” in Glocalism: Journal of Tradition, Politics and Innovation Vol. 1

Dirik, D. 2015: “The Girls’s Revolution in Rojava: Defeating Fascism by Developing and Various Society” in Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness (eds) A Small Key Can Open A Massive Door: The Rojava Revolution. Combustion Books, New York

Düzgün, M. 2016: “Jineology The Kurdish Girls’s Motion” in Journal of Center East Girls’s Research Vol. 12

Enloe, C. 2000: Maneuvers: The Worldwide Politics of Militarizing Girls’s Lives. College of California Press, Berkeley

Enloe, C. 2006: ‘Foreword’ in Hunt, Ok., Rygiel, Ok. (ed): (En)gendering the Warfare on Terror: Warfare Tales and Camouflaged Politics. Ashgate, Burlington

Haner, M., Cullen, F., Benson, M. 2019: “Girls and the PKK: Ideology, Gender, and Terrorism” in Worldwide Felony Justice Overview Vol. 13

Hansen, L. 2006: Safety as Follow: Dicourse Evaluation and the Bosnian Warfare. Routledge, London

Hoyle, C., Bradford, A., Frenett, R. 2015: «Changing into Mulan? Feminine Western Migrants to ISIS» Institute of Strategic Dialogue, London

Huey, L., Witmer, E. 2016: “#IS_Fangirl: Exploring a New Function for Girls in Terrorism” in Journal of Terrorism Analysis Vol. 7

Impartial Costello, N. 2016: Isis in Iraq: “The feminine fighters that strike worry into jihadis – as a result of they’ll rob them of paradise”

JAN Belief:          

Khalaf, R. 2016: “Governing Rojava: Layers of Legitimacy in Syria”. Chatham Home, London

Khelghat-Doost, H. 2017: “Girls of the Caliphate the Mechanism for Girls’s Incorporation into the Islamic State (IS)” in Terrorism Analysis Initiative Vol. 11

Khelghat-Doost, H. 2019: “The Strategic Logic of Girls in Jihadi Organizations” in Research in Battle & Terrorism Vol. 42

Knapp, M., Flach, A., and Ayboga, E. 2016: Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Girls’s Liberation in The Syrian Kurdistan. Pluto Press, London.

Klausen, J. 2015: “Tweeting the Jihad: Social Media Networks of Western International Fighters in Syria and Iraq,” in Research in Battle & Terrorism Vol. 38

Küçük, B., and Özselçuk, C. 2016: “The Rojava expertise: Prospects and challenges of constructing a democratic life” in South Atlantic Quarterly Vol. 115

Morgan. M. 2019: “Feminine Militarization and Girls’s Rights: A Case Examine of the Peshmerga and YPJ”. College of Central Florida

Murad, N. 2017: The Final Lady My Story of Captivity and My Battle Towards the Islamic State. Penguin Books, New York

Nacos, B. 2006: “The Portrayal of Feminine Terrorists within the Media: Comparable Framing Patterns within the Information Protection of Girls in Politics and in Terrorism” in Research in Battle & Terrorism

Palani, J. 2019: Freedom Fighter. Atlantic Books, London

Pearson, E. 2018: “On-line because the New Frontline: Have an effect on, Gender, and ISIS-Take-Down on Social Media” in Research in Battle & Terrorism Vol. 41

Peresin, A., Cervone, A. 2015: “The Western Muhajirat of ISIS” in Research in Battle & Terrorism Vol. 38

Sahin-Mencutek, Z. 2015: “Sturdy within the Motion, Sturdy within the Get together: Girls´s Illustration within the Kurdish Get together of Turkey” in Political Research Vol. 64

Saltman, E. M., and Smith, M 2015: “Until Martyrdom Do Us Half: Gender and the ISIS Phenomenon”. Institute for Strategic Dialogue, London

Seierstad, Å., 2016: To Søstre. Kagge Publishers, Oslo (English transl. title: Two Sisters)

Shahvisi, A. 2018: “Past Orientalism: Exploring the Distinctive Feminism of Democratic Confederalism in Rojava” in Geopolitics

Shepherd, L. 2007: ‘Victims, Perpetrators and Actors” Revisited: Exploring the Potential for a Feminist Reconceptualisation of (Worldwide) Safety and (Gender) Violence’in BJPIR Vol. 9

Spencer, A. 2016: “The Hidden Face of Terrorism: An Evaluation of the Girls in Islamic State” in Journal of Strategic Safety Vol. 9

Spivak, G. 1994: “Can the Subaltern Converse?” in Williams, P., Christman, L. (ed) In Colonial Discourse and Put up-Colonial Concept: A Reader. Harvester Wheatsheaf, Hempstead

Steans, J. 2003: «Partaking from the margins: Feminist encounters with the ‘mainstream’ of Worldwide Relations», British Journal of Politics and Worldwide Relations Vol. 5

Tervooren, Ok. 2016: “Representing Girls and Terrorist Violence A feminist interrogation of feminine company within the gendered discourse of the general public”. College of Utrecht

Tickner, A. 1992: Gender in Worldwide Relations: Feminist Views on Reaching World Safety. Columbia College Press, New York

United Nations Safety Council Decision 2178 (2014). Accessed at phrase/2178/

Vale, G. 2019: “Girls in Islamic State: From Caliphate to Camps”. Worldwide Centre for Counter-Terrorism, The Hague.

Washington Put up (Dadouch, S.) 2019: “Safety forces reply with gunfire to protests at Syrian detention camp” Accessed at

Winter, C. 2015: “Girls of the Islamic State: A Manifesto on Girls by the Al-Khanssaa Brigade”. Quilliam Basis, London

Winter, C., Margolin, D. 2017: ‘The Mujahidat Dilemma: Feminine Combatants and the Islamic State’ by Combatting Terrorism Heart

Yasin, B., Al-Tawil, N. Shabila, P., Al-Hadithi, T. 2013: “Feminine genital mutilation amongst Iraqi Kurdish ladies: A cross-sectional examine from Erbil metropolis” in BMC Public Well being Vol. 13

Yilmaz, Z. 2017: “Critique of ISIS’ Girls Coverage” in Turkish Journal of Center Japanese Research Vol. 4

Youngs, G. 2004: “Feminist Worldwide Relations: A Contradiction in Phrases?” in Worldwide Affairs

Written at: King’s Faculty London
Written for: Dr. Reinoud Leenders
Date written: June 2020

Additional Studying on E-Worldwide Relations

Supply hyperlink


Please enter your comment!
Please enter your name here